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Columbia University Press, However, at the same time, China is aware of the jitters it evokes and keeps a low profile on its investment strategies in the Arctic and globl the going global strategy, investing in known brands such as London Mining and the Russian Rosneft.

In the period from LM bought the rights to Isua and undertook studies of the prospects. Therefore I conclude that commercial interests in the Northern Sea Route and prospects of energy and mineral resources dictate China to play a hxns role in the Arctic.

Too soon, and it can put some women or men off. The peculiar situation in the Arctic is the unclaimed disputed territories beneath the thawing ice. And as opposed to neo-realism, where states know who they are, and what they want, the constructivist approach maintains that interest and identity are shaped in interaction between states.

Thesis author has the written document, which is no longer available online. Even when concerning the Arctic sea routes, Laserre holds that there is little evidence that Chinese commercial enterprises are interested.

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Yet, Jakobson underlines that politii AC must address the effects of the thawing of the ice in terms of climate change and also in terms of disputes to rights of shipping. On the multilateral level, China is making an effort concerning the disputed territories in the Arctic in an attempt of defining the territory as common human heritage rather than national territories according to coastal states claims in application to the CLCS, which will decide the territories according to the coastal states claims.


Viotti and Kauppi describe the liberalist view on international relations as a more pluralist one than that of realism. In the s the USSR took the lead as a result of the severely deteriorated Sino-Soviet Union relations, poitik in the s China saw itself as leading the developing world in opposition to the two hegemons, the US and the Soviet Union.

In Chinese policies became more assertive and nationalist in the Asian region and in the rest of the world. As discussed earlier, the effort of defining issues such as shipping as trans-regional is in order to secure globql through the sea routes. However, the leadership held on to the priority of bans hegemony.

Naval College and also deals with international law and research on foreign policy, argues that China has commercial and political interests in the Arctic.

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I will now turn to discuss to which degree the listed hypothesis in the problem formulation or various mixes of them are relevant and adequate. According to Winfield and Zengjun who have studied Chinese media, whether they are state- or market controlled, state that the two mentioned news agencies are directly owned and controlled by the government.

I have established that China officially has shown interest in the Northern Sea Route and attempts to define shipping in poolitik Arctic as a trans-regional issue. The official role of China, concerning natural resource extraction in the Arctic, becomes more varied and characterized by keeping a low profile, where the government paves the way, and thereafter gives the initiative to the Chinese enterprises, which then can be argued as a result of the free hanz forces, and thereby replacing China as resource mongering, to that the rules of the free market are ahns play, Chinese enterprises being on equal footing with other MNCs.

China applied for the following biennial Arctic Council ministerial meetings in, and China has declared itself as an opponent of hegemony in the international system, and has encouraged cooperation amongst states,19 especially developing states, to strive for a multipolar international order.


A contemporary source, Chinese Professor Qimao Chen, wrote in Asian Survey in that the recent years had shown that China was interested in bilateral relations with industrialized countries.

Furthermore, there is the ownership of the continental shelf that has not been established yet, a fear partially based on yans current worldwide scramble for resources.

Liberalist theory has an optimistic view on the future, where economic interdependence is the rule and states see common interests as beneficial. Other primary sources are international declarations, treaty texts and one Greenlandic law. Harvard Univeristy Press, Nathan and Scobell argue in line with constructivism that China seeks to modify the rules in all the global institutions, which it participates in, according to its interests.

The han main point of critique of the realist approach is namely, the low importance it gives IOs as an international actor.

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A multipolar world order is a state in the international system, globxl many great powers balance each other without one hegemonic power. Hhans held 20th — 25th January Enter the email address you signed up with and we’ll email you a reset link. You can make it easier for us to review and, hopefully, publish your contribution by keeping a few points in mind. Year Value [. According to Kang, the Chinese identity is not only shaped by the century of shame, but also of the historical absence of territorial ambition.

You owe it to yourself. For example as Rolf Haugaard Nielsen relates about differences of opinions amongst Arctic states, Russia and Canada perceive the Arctic sea routes to be national territory, whereas the US perceives both the Northwest Passage and the North-eastern passage to be international waters.